The first three pages of the letter are missing. Voltaire begins by saying that he intends to send Thieriot two or three poems by Mr Pope, whom he describes as ‘the best poet of England and, at present, of all the world’, in the hopes that Thieriot’s English is good enough to enable him to appreciate the charms of the works. He adds that he views Pope’s ‘the essay upon criticism’ as superior to the poetry of Horace and his Rape of the Lock as above Despreaux Le Lutrin. Voltaire then turns to his own ‘ever cursed fortune’, writing that he came into England at the end of July greatly dissatisfied with his secret voyage into France which proved both unsuccessful and expensive. He returned to England with only some bills of exchange upon a Jew called Medina for the sum of eight or nine thousand French livres but discovered uppon his arrival that Medina was broke. This left Voltaire alone and penniless in London, in the grips of a violent ague that left him too weak to visit the ambassador. He writes that he was helped by a gentleman who gave him accommodation at his country house, adding that the friendship of this man ‘sooths the bitterness’ of his life and makes him love Thieriot more and more. Voltaire claims to have seem Lord and Lady Bolingbroke numerous times and that they offered him money and their house, but that he refused their offers due to their status, instead accepting help from Mr Faulknear.
Voltaire then turns to matters of publishing, stating that he had thought to publish ‘Poor Henry’ at his own expense in London but the loss of his money had prevented him from doing so. He questions if he should attempt to publish via subscriptions by the favour of the court, but notes that he is weary of courts because ‘All that is King, or belongs to a King, frights my republican philosophy, j won’t drink the least draught of slavery in the land of liberty.’
The letter then addresses Voltaire’s correspondence with Desfontaines and his desire to see Thieriot in London, where he hopes to remain. He speaks of the benefits of remaining in England, writing that it is ‘a nation fond of their liberty, learned, witty, despising life and death, a nation of philosophers, not but that there are some fools in England, every country has its madmen. It may be, French folly is pleasanter, than English madness, but by god English wisdom and English Honesty is above yours.’ After discussing England at length, Voltaire writes that he fears Thieriot will take his letter for one of the ‘tedious English books’ Voltaire had advised him not to translate and so instead turns to the lateness of his reply. He blames his correspondent in Calais and asks Thieriot to send all letters henceforth to Bolingbroke’s house in London, asking him also to advise others who would correspond with him to do the same.
Voltaire then discusses his sister. He informs Thieriot that he has written so much about her to correspondents following her death that he had almost forgotten to write of her to Thieriot. He says that he has nothing to tell him about the accident, because Thieriot knows his heart and way of thinking already, but notes that he has wept for her death and wishes to be with her. He muses on her passing philosophically, writing: ‘Life is but a dream full of starts of folly, and of fancied, and true miseries. Death awakens us from this painful dream, and gives us, either a better existence or no existence at all.’

Commonplace book, mostly in one hand, some poetry in another. Six pages are written in cypher. Reverse entries. A compendium of literary and political pieces from the first half of the eighteenth century. The pages in cypher have some headings in English, including: ‘On Epilogues Modern’ [Epilogue Spoken by Mrs. Oldfield in The Tragedy of Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester by Ambrose Philips… 1723], Philip Bonus, the Good Duke of Burgundy, Hostratus the Friar – [Richard Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy], American/Columbus/Pennsylvania/Delaware/Baltimore. Other headings in the main text include: “Adversaria”, Lord Bolingbroke; “Augustini Opp. Ed. Lugd. 8o”; “La Henriade” by Voltaire; “Histoire des Papes… 1732” by François Bruys; “Histoire du Regne de Louis XIII. par Michel Le Vassor” etc.

Shiffner’s notes refer to:

• Voltaire’s Siècle de Louis XIV and Précis du siècle de Louis XV
• Copies of French verse
• Dr Goldsmith’s Life of … Bolingbroke
• Russian history in the eighteenth century
• The ice-house at Coombe
• The landing of émigres at Quiberon Bay
• The Franco-Spanish peace, 1795
• Various anecdotes

The notes run to three volumes.

Gabriel Grasset writes that he has received from Mr. Faure a manuscript copy of Histoire l’Etablissement du Christianisme by Mr. Mallé, secretary to Lord Bolingbroke. This work was pseudonymously written by Voltaire. Grasset says that he will print the text in octavo with wide margins and in fine type, and that he will provide two dozen well-bound copies to Mr. Faure in Geneva. The receipt is dated 1 June 1774.

In a postscript, Grasset promises not to sell any copies of the text in Geneva. Theodore Besterman notes that if the dates provided in this MS are correct, the composition of the work must be brought forward from 1777.

Hannah more begins by discussing Tom Paine’s pamphlet, noting that all the bold blasphemies of Voltaire, David Hume, d’Alembert, Bolingbroke, Helveticus etc. are brought together in it.

Voltaire states that he is writing to Marie-Anne de Vichy-Chamrond, marquise Du Deffand from Paris, before discussing literature. He questions why the Marquise wants to make him read English novels, such as Henry Fielding’s Tom Jones, when she will not read the Old Testament. He tells the Marquise that if she is to enjoy reading, she first needs a little passion, an object that is interesting, and a determined desire to educate herself that occupies her soul continuously, adding that if she were to know Italian she could be sure of a month of pleasure from Aristotle. Voltaire says that he will send her one or two chants of La pucelle d’Orleans that are unknown to others and in which he tries to imitate Aristotle (he claims to have limited success in this). He also advises that she may enjoy his Histoire universelle if she likes a picture of ‘this ugly world’ because in it he has painted men as they are. Voltaire then turns to various European empire-building projects, before stating that France’s only merit and superiority is that there are a small number of geniuses who make French spoken in Vienna, Stokholm, and Moscow. He returns to the Marquise’s reading, stating that he he found pleasure in reading Rabelais but that the Marquise was not learned enough to enjoy it. He expresses his desires for French translations of the philosophical works of Lord Bolingbroke and Dean Swift’s Tale of a Tub, before discussing various retellings of the story of Lucretia.  

Voltaire begins by saying that an illustrious theologian from Basel has written that Lord Bolingbroke has the ‘chaude-pisse’, a popular term for gonorrhœa, and from there draws the conclusion that Moses is the author of the pentateuch. He remarks that Lord Chesterfield’s chaplain took up Lord Bolingbroke’s cause like a good Christian and defended it in a pious and modest letter, the translation of which arrived in Potsdam with the permission of the superiors. He adds that the King laughed a lot and so should Formey. He jokingly instructs Formey to live cheerfully on the gospel and philosophy, let the profane doubt the chronology of Moses and the monads, get covered in pitch-resin, put big pins in his ass, and follow the advice of the author of the newsletters. He continues, telling him to feel the centrifugal forces, or have himseld embalmed while still alive. Voltaire then writes that he intends to take a trip to the southern lands with Dalichamp and dissect the brains of twelve-foot-tall giants and men as hairy as bears with the tails of monkeys. He philosophises that ‘those who turn the foolishness of this world into mockery will always be the happiest’ and advises Formey to ‘put only their price on things, and don’t take large scales to weigh cobwebs.’ He then concludes by speaking of a song by the Archbishop of Cambrai that the Marquis de Fénélon recited to him at the Hague in front of his wife and the Abbé de la Ville.

Voltaire writes that he has received d’Alembert’s letter dated 1 December and thanks him for his excellent work honouring the memory of du Marsais. He adds that he can never thank him enough for backing him up with his eloquence and reasoning as they say he did about the infamous murder of Servetus and the virute of tolerance in the Geneva article (which Voltaire notes he eagerly awaits). Voltaire then writes that wretches have tried to justify the assassination of Servetus and that these wretches are priests, though he admits that he has not read any of their works. One of these priests, whom Voltaire calls a rascal, asked the Council of Twenty-Five of Geneva for communication of the trial which, Voltaire writes, ‘will make Calvin forever execrable’ and the boarded viewed with contempt. He then asks d’Alembert who the other young priest is that wants to pass him off as a loan shark, questioning whether d’Alembert borrowed at usury from the Battle of Kollin, noting that d’Alembert had condessed that at the battle of the 5th everyone had to advance him money. Discussion then turns to war and Voltaire writes that the Austrians avenge and humiliate them terribly, noting that they have made thirteen attacks at the same time on the Prussian intrenchments, and that these attacks lasted six hours. He writes that ‘never was a victory more bloody and more horribly beautiful’, quipping that the French are more expeditious, completing their business in 5 minutes. Voltaire then discusses Frederick II, King of Prussia, remarking that Frederick always sends him verses, sometimes in despair and sometimes as a hero, and that he tries to be ‘a philosopher in my hermitage’ upon receiving them. He adds that Frederick achieved what he always wanted (to beat the French) but that the Austrians laugh at him. ‘Our shame of the 5 gave him glory’, Voltaire writes, ‘but he will have to be content with this passing glory, too easily purchased. He will lose his states with those he has taken.’ In response to d’Alembert’s suggestion that Voltaire writes a biography of Frederick II, Voltaire writes that Frederick will allow noone to write his story except for himself. Concluding the letter, Voltaire writes that there are aspects of the eulogy of du Marsais that will do great good as ‘it only takes five or six philosophers who agree to overthrow the colossus.’ He adds that he does not wish to prevent people from going to mass or hearing sermons but that it is ‘a question of snatching the fathers of families from the tyranny of imposters, and of inspiring the spirit of tolerance,’ noting that the ‘vine of truth’ has already been well cultivated by d’Alembert, Diderot, Bolingbroke, David Hume, etc. He ends by sending d’Alembert the good wishes of Marie-Louis Denis [née Mignot] [née Mignot] and asking if her ever sees the blind clairvoyant, charging d’Alembert with informing the clairvoyant that Voltaire is still very attached to her if so.

La Beaumelle notes that it was l’abbé Le Maire who collected and presented him with these conversations.

An official endorsement by the officers of the Bastille has been added to p.22.